Friday, 25 September 2020

Sri Lanka needs a powerful Executive President, and not just democracy.

  What Sri Lanka  wants is not a democracy of the press, the freedom to write, the freedom to criticize the government, freedom to demonstrate. What we want is a democracy of the people for their right to live in peace and security, have the minimum of a decent living condition, right to have access to water, security of employment, a good health service, bring up a family, and have good service from an uncorrupt  government.


Sri Lanka is 72 years away since its Independence.  We are still talking about a democracy. What did we have before Independance and beyond? We were ruled by Kings and there were periods when Sri Lanka prospered under some kings. There were the Nobles who helped the king in ruling the country maintaining law and order.  The people were grouped according to their skills, a caste system where each one occupied tasks allocated to them .  


Rhys Davis says that the West learnt what they call democracy from the east. The Buddha himself had a gread  organising skill. Lord Buddha had a great following and his disciples came from all walks of life. They had to be trained into being the followers of the Buddha Dhamma. It was a   difficult task which he attended to with great perspicacity. He made known the Dhamma through  discourses  and set out rules of conduct for his disciples and followers.


Therefore, what we call democracy in relation to politics was not unknown to the Sinhala people. Or as a matter of fact to entire nations the world over. But  it is only when we come to politics we speak mostly of democracy. The imported notion of democracy existed from Independence  and differed from one ruling system or government to another.  That is why now in TV political discussion the opposition to the Government compare their period of rule as a period  where there was a greater democracy compared to the government they replaced.


Therefore this political democracy of varying standards will continue. But what we should examine is under which democracy the people were better off, more secure and protected, spent peaceful lives.  When it is put through such an examination, one would see that  democracy becomes meaningless if the people had been neglected and left on their own to meet the rising cost of living, lack of protection, fear of an underworld etc., and a drug menace. 


Sri Lanka today is not what it was 72 years ago. Today Sri Lanka under  President Gotabaya Rajapakse ,is not what it was five years before under the Sirisena-Ranil duo. But yet the rejected government of the past says that there was democracy during the five years before.  Why then were they rejected by the people ? Because this democracy is what the educated Colombiens and the Colombo press moguls want, it is different from what the people outside in towns and villages want.


Whatever notion different people have about democracy, it is since Independence there had been something that had been accepted from the west  called democracy. It came from the Colonial rulers who did not rule democratically. It has in reality  given nothing to the people. Sri Lanka continued to be a developing country yet with that absurd democracy becoming a barrier for progressive development of the country, changing governing systems from time to time. 


The present day media specially the Capital Maharajaa Organisation, News First, Dawasa, Satana, Face the Nation,  journalists have their own notion of democracy which they try to promote against the President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. In a recent political debate in Satana a journalist insisted that an invitee should  accept  that compared to the periods of government before Yahapalanaya,  there was democracy under Yahapalanaya.


If they were to think that there was no democracy under  President Mahinda Rajapaksa from 2005 to 2015, they cannot deny that there was a remarkable, or if they want, an apparent  development of the country during that period breaking away from the  path of  a developing status, to a county on the path of progressive  development with highways , high-rise buildings, beautification of towns, parks  and cleansed lakes. 


If these democracy fans  insist that despite all that it was  a period without democracy, the price was worth it,  and there should be more periods of governments in Sri Lanka without democracy for it to really step into a developed country status.


In that sense too the 20th Amendment is welcome though it irks Sajith Premadasa, Anura Kumara Dissanayake and their followers wearing blinders. The word “democracy” , a sacred “OM” to the opponents  of  the government, had been introduced by former colonial masters to keep the country poor and undeveloped. It is getting out of the blinder that will make developing countries take the risk  and forge ahead to  enter a new path of development.


It is enough that  we had been floundering in the darkness of under development  for the last 72 years making every effort to keep the crown of democracy on our heads.  One government rules for five years  and takes the government forward according to its idea of development, and then when it is defeated another comes  to change everything that the other government had done to introduce a new system for the next five years, the circle continues and we are always where we were at the beginning.


It is time that it changes. China, Russia,Malaysia,  Singapore, Vietnam and Bangladesh  are not countries holding democracy in high favour, but they have developed  to a far greater extent than we have done  holding on to this precious democracy.


At least now we want a man at the helm,  who would not bend to pressure but continue to do what is good for the country and the people who have placed their confidence on him  to do what he thinks is correct. Therefore the President should be given all the powers of an executive President .


The pseudo democrats of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya , Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna   say Yahapalanaya gave real democracy to Sri Lanka. But did it  give the people of Sri Lanka  what they really wanted,  which was not democracy but a decent living standard, education for their children,employment , clean water to drink, roads,pathways and a drug and a crime  free country ?  No,  statistics show quite a different story.


President Gotabaya Rajapaksa wants to give the people what they really want. For that the Executive President wants a free hand to move without ugly undemocratic manifestations in the well of the august assembly of the representatives of the people-the  Parliament,by the undisciplined infantile members of the Opposition, distorting facts in the 20th Amendment.  


Sri Lanka has an honest, disciplined visionary leader in President Gotabaya Rajpaksa , who had demonstrated  his devotion to the country and the people, who risked his life for them. None other political leader  even with dynamos, and paternal genes had ever made such a sacrifice or risked one's life  for the Country. Sajith Premadasa the  Opposition Leader who denounced the 20Amendement saying it is to give executive power to  an individual had never lifted a gun in defence of Sri Lanka.


That individual,  Sajith Premdasa  and his supporters often refer to is the President of Sri Lanka. His personal identity is submerged  when he holds the high office to which the people have hoisted him.


President Mahinda Rajapkse put the country into the correct path of development, but ungrateful people  were  forced by coercion and enticement by local and foreign enemies of Sri Lanka to reject him at the Presidential elections of 2014.


The 20th Amendment is essential at this hour of Sri Lanka’s history as we should think of a different people friendly political system, as the past systems have failed to give the necessary leadership to Sri Lanka with its glorious historical past to surmount  difficulties to achieve new heights of development.  


Therefore, the President should have immunity, be free to face and stop  unpatriotic self interested  opposition in a  parliamentary system by even dissolving the parliament if it becomes necessary, to have patriotic  Sri Lankans with even dual citizenship who  may want to  come back and help in the development process of Sri Lanka.


The 20A does not suppress the Audit department or the Auditor General . They will be there carrying out their allotted functions. Therefore there should not be any difficulty in  having the 20Amendment passed in parliament as a temporary measure until a new Constitution is written and presented.


Some ask what is the impediment to carry on the government without removing the 19th Amendment. The impediment is that the 19th Amendment does not fit into the new thinking of the new Government. The Yahapalanaya may not have had any impediment in carrying on it destructive path of bankrupting Sri Lanka with the hastily adopted 19A, but that is the past and that 19A does not fit into the present path that is being hacked, despite opposition by political reactionaries , towards a better , sure and  an efficient advancement of  prosperity to illumine  a country that has been thrown into an abyss of  political, financial and social darkness. 


There were two critics Jayadeva Uyangoda who admits  of a hurried reading of the 20th Amendment, which was enough for him to  writes what he always wrote against President Mahainda Rajapaksa with added venum trying to put President  Gotabaya Rajapaksa into a garb of a Dictator.  He may have written that without reading the 20th Amendment at all.  The other Dayan Jayatillake does more or less the same thing but with greater venom,  having missed the diplomatic boat to a European destination. Most of what he writes is frilled with his quotes from his intellectual reading material or seen & heard  in the cinema. They are both prophets of doom and not worth commenting on their rantings.


Finally 20 Amendment is to the Constitution of Sri Lanka, we do not want UN or Commonweal or any International interference. It would be an insult to our sovereignty; independence and our Judiciary. Sri Lanka  can settle its matters on its own.


Saturday, 19 September 2020

පාර්ලිමේන්තු විපක්ෂය කොහොමද ජනතාවාදී විපක්ෂයක් වෙන්නේ ?

 මේක සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස විපක්ෂ නායකයාගේ තවත් ඩයිනමෝවලින් වැඩකරන මොලේ විකුර්ති අදහසක්  විය හැකියි. විපක්ෂයේ සමගි ජනතා බලවේගයට ලැබුණු මුළු චන්දය  සීයට 23.90වයි( 2,771,980යි). රටේ ජනතාවගෙන්  බහුතරයක් සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස මහතාට හා ඔහුගේ පක්ෂයට   විරුද්ධව චන්දය දුන්නේ.  ඉතින් කොහොමද පාරලිමේන්තුවේ විපක්ෂය ජනතාවාදී වෙන්නේ. සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස තාමත් කරන්නේ ජනතාව  රවට්ටන එක. මෙයිටවඩා හොඳ නැද්ද පාරලිමේන්තුවේ විපක්ෂ නායකයා හැටියට වැඩ කලොත්.  එතකොට නේද එ විපක්ෂයම  කියන ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදය ක්‍රියාත්මක වෙන්නේ. 


ගෝටාබය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාට බහුතර ජනාතාවගේ චන්දය දී ලංකාවේ ජනාධිපති  වශයෙන් පත්කිරීමේදී ඒ අති මහත් ජනතාව එතුමා කෙරෙහි කොන්දේසි විරහිත විශ්වාශයක්  තැබුවා. කොන්දේසි විරහිත කීවේ මා මෑතක ගුවන්විදුලි නාලිකාවක 20වන සංශෝදනය  පිලිබඳ දේශපාලන සංවාදයක් අතර තුර එම සංවාදය හසුරුවන මාද්යවේදියා ආණ්ඩුපක්ෂයේ නියෝජිතයාගෙන් අහනවා තුනෙන්දෙකක  බලයක් දීමේදී ජනතාව දැණහිටියාද  විගනාධිපති කොමිසම අහක් කරනවා කියලා? මොන බොළඳ ප්‍රශ්නයක්ද. සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාව ඔවාගැන දැනුමක් ඇතුවද චන්දය දෙන්නේ ? 


බහුතරයක් ජනතාව ඔවුන්ගේ චන්දය දීමෙන් පෙන්නුවා ඔවුන් ගොටාබය රාජපක්ස ජනාධිපති තුමා  කෙරෙහි ඔවුන්ගේ සම්පුර්ණ විෂවාශය තබන බව. එබැවින් රටට ජාතියට අවශ්‍ය වැඩකටයුතු එතුමා නොපිරිහෙලා කරන බව ජනතාව දන්නවා.  එබැවින් ඔවුන් ජනාධිපතිතුමා හා ඔහුගේ ආණ්ඩුව වැඩකරන විධිය පිළිබඳව ප්‍රශ්නකරන්නේ නෑ . ඇරත් එතුමාගේ චන්ද රැස්වීම් මිනිස්සුන්ට ජනතාවට එතුමා දැනුම්දුන්න එතුමාගේ සෞභාග්යේ දැක්ම තුල  රට ඉදිරියට ගෙනයාමට ඇති භාදකයක් වූ 19වන සංසෝධනය අහක්  කරන බව. 


 මෙවැනි  අනවශ්‍ය ප්‍රශ්න  අහන්නේ ගෝටාබය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමා වැඩ ආරම්භකළ දවසේ පටන් ඔහුගේ වැඩපිළිවෙලට අකුල්හෙලන්න පටන් ගත්  සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස විපක්ෂ නායකයා හා ඔහුගේ “ ගොලොයෝ” ටිකයි , ජනතාවිමුක්තිපෙරමුනේ අනුර  කුමාර දිසානායක, බිමල් රත්නායක,   විජිත හේරත් ආදී ජනතාව අත්හල දේශපාලනයෝ ටිකයි.


මොවුන් දැන් රාජපක්ෂ පවුල් පාලනයට අමතරව කියන කතාව තනි පුද්ගලයෙකුට බලය දීම.  මොවුන් තනි පුද්ගලයකු කියන්නේ ජනාධිපතිතුමාට. හැට නව ලක්ෂයක් පමණ ජනතාවගේ ආදරයට විශ්වාශයට පත්වූ  ගෝටාබය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමා  සාමාන්‍ය පුදගලයෙක් නොවේ.  


එතුමා  අපේ රටේ නායකයාය්. රටේ පවතින්නේ විධායක ජානාධිපති ආණ්ඩුක්‍රමයකි එබැවින් ගෝටාබය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමා  ඔහුට චන්දය දුන් මහත් බහුතරයකගේ පමණක් නොවේ ඔහුට චන්දය දුන්  නොදුන් මහත් ජනතාවම නියෝජනය කරන ජනාධිපතිවරයායි.  එබැවින් තනි පුද්ගලයෙකුට  බලය දෙනවා කීම මන්දබුද්ධික කියමනකි. 


20වන සන්ශෝදනයත් සමග සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසයි  සමගි ජනබලවේගයේ එවුනුයි ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුනේ එවුනුයි භුමිතෙල් වැදුනු ගැරඬි වගේ හැම පැත්තේම නලියනවා.  මෙවුන් කවදාවත් ප්‍රතිපත්තියක් වශයෙන් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදය ගරුකරපු  එවුන්  නොවේ . නමුත්  මිනිස්සුන්ට පෙන්ට කියන්න හදන්නේ උන්ට වැඩිය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය දන්නා කිසිවෙක් නැතුවා වගේ.  මෙවුන්ට දැන් 19වන සංශෝදනය ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයේ සංකේතය වෙලා. 


විවිධ ගුවන් විදුලි නාලිකාවල  පවත්වනු ලබන රතු ඉර වාදපිටිය බලය ආදී   දේශපාලන සංවාදවලට සහබාගිවන සමගි ජනබලවේගය  නියෝජනය කරමින් කතාකරන මර්ක්කාර් , මුජබු රහමන් ,හේෂ  විතාරණ , මනුෂ නානායක්කාර  හර්ෂ ද සිල්වා  අලවතුවල ආදීන් ගේ මුණු දැක්කාමත්  පෙන්නේ නෑ ඔවුන්  ජාතිය රට ආගම වෙනුවෙන් කතාකරන බවක් . 


අහම්බෙන් බලයට පැමිණිලා අවුරුදු හතරහමාරක්  රට අගාදියට ඇද දැමු මේ හැත්ත තාමත් කරන්න හදන්නේ ඒ  කරපු දේමයි. රනිල් වික්‍රමසිංහ කට්ට කයිරාටික දේශපාලකයෙක්.  


රනිල්   හොඳට සැලසුම්කරලා මෛත්‍රීපාල දැලෙදාගෙන කලේ ඔහු ජනාධිපති උවහොත් ඔහුගොනාට අන්දලා ඔහුගේ ජනාධිපති බලතල අගමැතිවශයෙන් ඔහුගේ අතටගෙන බැංකුත්කඩලා හොඳසතුටින් ඔහුට ඔනාවිධියට රටේ නායකයා හැටියට රට රටවල්වල ලංකාව නියෝජනයකරමින් සෑහෙන කාලයක් යහපත්ව ජීවත්වන එකයි. . එක කරන්න ගිහින් අන්තිමේට උනේ තිබ්බ මන්ත්‍රීකමත් නැති කරගත්තා. 


සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ටිකක් මන්ද බුද්දික නිසා ඔහුත් කරන්න දඟලන්නේ වික්රමසිංහ කල දේමයි.  ඔහුහිතනවා වෙන්ට පුළුවන් විපක්ෂ නායක භූමිකාව පාවිච්චිකරලා ගොටාබය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපති තුමාට රටකරගන යාමට අපහසු තැනකට  ගෙනල්ලා කොහොම හරි පාලනබලය ඔහු අතට ගත හැකිවේවි කියලා. ඒ නිසා වෙන්නපුළුවන්  ඔහු තාම අඩුවශයෙන්  ජනාධිපති තුමා කල ,කිසිම හොඳ දෙයක් ගැන  කතා නොකරන්නේ. සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස ගේ ලෝකයේ ඉන්නේ ඔහු විතරයි. 


සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස  අටවාගෙන තියෙන්නේ  පාරලිමේන්තුව ඇතුලේ තවත් ජනාධිපති කෙනෙකුට  සමාන  ප්‍රතිරුපයයි. 


සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ඔනෑම රටක විපක්ෂය  රජයට ප්‍රෙහේලිකවක් වන හැටියට වැඩ කරන්නේ නෑ. ආණ්ඩුවට පාලනය කරගෙන යන්න ඉඩ දෙනවා. ඒ ඉඩ දීමෙන් විපක්ෂය ජනතාවගේ හිතත් දිනාගන්නවා. ඊට පසු ඊළඟ චන්දයට සුදනම්වෙනවා.  සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාසගේ  නායකත්වයෙන්  ලංකාවේ ඇතිවී තිබෙන පරලිමේන්තු විපක්ෂය  ලෝකයේ වෙනම කොයි රටකවත් නැති වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් ගෙනියන්නේ. මේකටයි මේ අන්ද පාලකයෝ  ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදය කියන්නේ. මෙවුන් දැනටමත් ජනතාවට තිත්තවෙලා. 


ඒකට ජනතාවිමුක්තිපෙරමුනේ සහයත් ලැබුනා තවත් ලැබෙමින් පවතිනවා.  19වන සංශෝද්නයෙන් පමණක් නොවේ, යහපාලනයේ  සම්පුර්ණ සැලැස්ම වුයේ මහින්ද ජනාධිපති තුමා ගෙන ආ සංවර්ධන කටයුතු  සියල්ලක්ම නවතා ඔවුන්ගේම සන්වර්ධන සැලැස්මක්  ගෙන ඒමයි.   කොළොඹ වරාය නගර සංවර්ධනයත් අත් හිටෙව්වා, හම්බන්තොට වරායත්  අවුරුදු 200කට චීනෙට බදු දුන්න,  ගුවන්තොටුපොළ වී ගබඩාවක් කළා.  


ඒ විතරක් නොවේ මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා පටන් ගත්  පුංචි දේවල් පවා මොවුන් අහකදමා තිඋයෙනවා. මහින්ද රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා නුවර එළියේ  උදලුමඩ  ආරම්භකළ නැණසල  තොරතුරු  තාක්ෂණ මද්යස්තානයත් කාර්ය විරහිතකිරීමට යහපාලනය ක්‍රියාකර තිබෙන බව  ඊයේ   ටීවී නාලිකාවකින් දැනගන්නට ලැබුනා.  


රාජපක්ෂලා රටෙන් තුරන්කරන්නට මොවුන් කෙතරම්   ශ්‍රමයක් යොදවනවාද ?  20 වන සංසෝදනය ගැන කතාකිරීමේදීත් කිරිඇල්ල වගේ සමගිබලවේගයේ එවුන් හදන්නේ  මහින්ද රාජපක්ස මැතිතුමා හා ජනාධිපතිතුමා අතර භේදයක් ඇති කරන්න .  රාජපක්ස පවුලක් ගැන කතා නොකරන වෙලාවක් නෑ. 


මුන්ට සිංහලෙන් කීවාට පරලිමේන්තුවේ රාජපක්ෂ පවුලක් නෑ කියා එක තේරුම් ගන්න තරම් මොලයක් ඔවුන්ට නෑ. පාරලිමේන්තුවේ ඉන්න හැම රාජපක්ෂ කෙනෙක්ම  ජනතාවගේ චන්දයෙන් පත්ව ආ  අයයි? එබැවින් පවුල් කතාවෙන් මුන් කරන්නේ ඒ රාජපක්ෂලාට චන්දය දුන් චන්දදායක්යින්ට කරන අගෞරවයක්.  මේවා කටහැකර මරික්කාර්, හේෂා,  මනුෂ නානායක්කාරලාට අලවතුවලලාට  තේරෙන්නෙම නෑ. 


මෙවුන්   කියනවා ගනාධිකාරිය, ජනාධිපති හා  අගමැති කර්යාලාදිය ප්‍රක්ෂනය 20වන සංශෝදනයෙන් ඉවත් කරලා කියල.  නෑ;  එහෙම කිසිවක් අහක් කරලා නෑ එක තේරුම් ගැනීමේ අපහසුවක් උන්ට තියෙනවා . 19වන සන්සොදනය අහක්කිරීමේදී ව්‍යවස්ථාව 19 ය එන්න පෙර තිබුණු තැනට යනවා. එකයි වෙලා තියෙන්නේ.ආයි අහනවාඇයි වසරින් වසර පරලිමෙන්තුව විසුරුවාහැරීමේ බලය ජනාධිපතිතුමාට පැවරෙන්නේ  කියලා. ඒක මම හිතනවා  අවුරුදු හතරහමාරකට පෙර විසුරුවාහරින්න බෑ කියන තහනමට වඩා හොඳයි. 


එහෙම අවුරුද්දෙන් අවුරුද්දට පාරලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවාහරින්න පුළුවන් යයි  සඳහන් කලත් බුද්ධිමත් ජනාධිපතිවරයෙක් එසේ කරන්න ඉදිරිපත්වෙන්නේ නෑ .  ගොටාබය රාජපක්ෂ ජනාධිපතිතුමා  බහුතර ජනතාව දන්නා හැටියට යහපත් බුද්ධිමත් කෙනෙක් එබැවින් එතුමා  අවුරුද්දෙන් අවුරද්දට  පරලිමේන්තුව විසුරුවාහරින්නේ නැති බව කාරුණික බුද්ධිමත් ජනතාවත් දන්නවා. 


ආයි මුන් අහන එකක් මොකක්ද මෙතරම් හදිස්සිය කියලා. උන්ට බලය තිබුන අවස්ථාවේ උන් මොනවාද කලේ  ? උන් කලේ එතුමාට එතුමාගේ වැඩකිරීම පමාකිරීමයි. දැන් උන්ට ඒක අමතකවෙලා. දැන් අවස්තාව ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ අතට පැමින තිබෙනවා. ඉතින් මොකටද තවතවත් මුන්ගේ ඉලව් සටකපටකම්වලට  හිස නමන්නේ. එතුමාට කරන්නට ඉඩනොදී පමාකළ වැඩ කොටස් කරගෙන යාමට එතුමාට දැන් අවශ්‍යයි.  ඒකයි හදිස්සිය. ඒක මුන්ට තේරෙන්නේ නැතිවාට කරන්නදෙයක් නෑ. 


ජනාධිපතිතුමාට චන්දය දුන් බහුතරයක් ජනතාව  සජිත් ප්‍රේමදාස හා ඔහුගේ විපක්ෂයේ සිටින මන්ත්‍රීවරුන් කෙරෙහි කිසිම විශ්වාශයක් නෑ. ඉතින් තවතවත් විපක්ෂය රට ඉදිරියට ගෙන යාමට ඉඩ නොදෙන ඔවුන්ගේ ජනතා විරෝධී ක්‍රියාපිලිවෙලට ඉඩ නොදියයුතුයි. ඒ ජනතාව සඳහාත් රටෙත් දියුනුව සඳහා  ගන්න පියවරක්. 


සමගිබලවේගය මෙන්ම ජනතා විමුක්තිපෙරමුනත්  ජනතාව හා රටේ ඉදිරි යහපත් ගමනක් වෙනුවෙන් ඉදිර්පත්වී සිටින පක්ෂ නොවෙයි. ඔවුන්ට බලයට එන්න හදිස්සිය නිසා ජනාධිපති ගොටාබය රාජපක්ෂ මැතිතුමාගේ රජය ජනතා අප්‍රසාදයට ලක්කරන්න ඔවුන්  නින්දිත ප්‍රයත්නයන් ගෙනයනවා .  


පසුදිනක ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුණේ විජිත හේරත් කියනවා 20වන සංශෝධනය ඒකාධිපතියෙක් හිට්ලර් කෙනෙක් මවන්ට ගෙන එන සන්සොධනයක්ලු; මෙවැනි අසමත්ජාති කාතා කියන ජනතාවිමුක්ති පෙරමුණට  ජනතා අප්‍රසාදය ලැබිලා ඉවරයි; නමුත් ඔවුන්ගේ මෝඩකම නිසා ඔවුන්ට එය තේරුම් ගන්න නොහැකියි.


Tuesday, 15 September 2020

 A Reply to Harsha de Silva


By Charles S.Perera


It is strange to see the present ragtags-the remnants of the former Yahapalanaya who ridiculed democracy, and devastated the country politically,economically, and socially for four and half years,  now thundering in the parliament and out side about a disappearing democracy they in fact seem to know nothing about.


Among the remnants  of the Yahapalanaya now in the opposition are some who are supposed to be educated. But the question is, are they wise.  Wisdom is not what you put inside as knowledge, but what comes out from that accumulated knowledge. But these yahapalanaya remnants lack that wisdom to think and evaluate circumstances from past experiences.  These are the ones who came to parliament in 2015 thanks to the traitorous midnight escape of Maithripala Sirisena from SLFP to the opposition to be their common Presidential Candidate.   If not for Maithripala Sirisena  none of them would have been in parliament  then or now. 


But they have no gratitude for that.  The yahapalanaya remnants are now seeking  their own salvation by throwing on to scaffold President Maithripala Sirisena who enabled them to become  parliamentarians,  as responsible for the massacre of  Easter Sunday. Aren't they all init under the doctrine of  collective responsibility ?


These partners of the former Yahapalanaya little realise they as members of the Yahapalanaya  are all responsible for that massacre of the innocents, more Harin Fernando who now breys louder than ever, forgetting that he had failed in his duty to God and Country, by  having failed to inform the Archbishop what his father had warned him not to do that Easter Sunday.


There is Harsha de Silva with a doctorate to decorate his name, who talks without reflecting or trying to understand the real issue with the presentation of the  20th Amendment. He as an intelligent man should not be swayed by emotions. When he led the footnote group at the COPE he showed how much he is involved in all the degenerative political maneuvers of the RanilW led Yahapalanaya-the Bank robbery, mismanagement of the government, Easter massacre, involvement in the MCC, Singapore Trade Agreement,  selling of Hambantota Harbour,  negotiating to sell the Colombo Port East Terminal to India etc.


Lets see what Harsha de Silva  with a doctorate tells about 20A. He speaks about removing the National Procuration Commission and curtailing the powers of the Auditor General which he says is inviting corruption. If he would read the 20A alongside the Constitution he would see that removal of the 19th Amendment has put the Constitution to what it was before the introduction of the 19th Amendment. The functions of the Auditor general will continue as it had been before. In tender procedures new transparent methods with modern  technology could be adopted.


The difficulties arise also  from the fact that the opposition has not placed the same trust on the President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as the large majority of people have placed their trust on him, as evidently shown through the Presidential and then the Parliamentary Elections. The Opposition should respect the large majority of the people who voted to elect the President,  and then give a near two third majority at the parliamentary elections.. 


The Opposition led by Sajith Premadasa who is known to think differently takes his position as the leader of the Opposition on the belief that the  Parliament is a place to criticise the Government and to show the people that what the President is doing is not in the interest of the country and the people but to look after the interest and the benefits of the Rajapaksa family.


 If the members of the opposition have peanut sized  brains they will know that in the Parliament there is no family, but parliamentarians elected by the people. The people know this and they are no more concerned with this “family talk” except those supporting the UNP, and the SJB.


Harsha de Silva and his former yahapalanaya colleagues  should get out of their box to understand that the democratic  role of the opposition in parliament is other than being aggressive and jumping to criticism. They should instead  follow Ranil's Lichchavi approach which unfortunately he failed to put into practice. The Parliament should be a place where there is an intellectual approach to any problem giving place to a rich  dialogue , discussion, constructive criticism, suggesting different approaches to the problem under discussion. 


This approach even the JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayaka seems not to know.  He spent 28 minutes in the well of the parliament shouting at the speaker and those who raised objections  taking pride in the fact that he  is the person who has made many speeches and stood up long haranguing  accusing the members of the government. He seemed to be happy with his role which for an outsider is really foolish. He spoke nothing of value or interest.  These parliamentarians have to change their attitudes and become responsible members of the opposition. They should contribute memorable speeches, make workable suggestions  without talking like hooligans.


Harsha de Silva was not even sure of his facts.  He was speaking  in praise of the 19A and its procurement guidelines, conceding that there were issues regarding the Procurement Commission. If there are issues why not adopt a new transparent system outside Commissions.  Why always think in terms of corruption when the emphasis should be on using efficient foolproof methods that will eliminate corruption.


Harsha de Silva is not true to himself when he says that “ the public should not buy into the view  that the 19th Amendement was a barrier to effective governance and economic growth. Harsha de Silva in trying to defend 19A is displaying his inability to evaluate the circumstances that led to the failure of Yahapalanaya. With 19A Yayhapalanaya could neither continue to govern,  nor  go forward with the absurdity of the it. If Harsha de Silva is now singing hosannas to 19A as an effective efficient piece of legislature he is not worthy of the Doctorate he  adds before his name. It is here Harsha de Silva should show his intelligence. 19A was an obstacle and a  failure- the Commissions were not functioning as they should, Commissions made wrong appointments, there was an inefficient  parliament not functioning for the benefit of the people, taking wrong decisions, signing wrong contracts, and the President could not dissolve it. It had to continue on its path of destruction   for four and a half years. Was that democracy ? Has one heard of such a parliament anywhere else in the world ?  


And that is what Harsha de Silva supports and praises and tells the people not to buy into the view that the 19Amendment  was a barrier to effective government and economic growth.  Harsha de Silva where did you see effective governance  and economic growth during the past four and a half years from 8 January 2015 ?  You display your inability to see things as they were and try to fool the people, Harsha de Silva.


The 20A then he criticises without giving adequate reasons imaging things reading beyond the text. He imagines what the Parliamentary Committee to replace the Constitutional Council  proposed in the 20A would be like imagining how it would function and how the President would react to observations made by the committee.  Are these valid arguments against 20A ?


These are meaningless arguments. He could make suggestions which are more democratic. He says that SJB and the government differ on the need to have civil society persons. But have the civil society representatives been useful during the last four years ? They were  accused of being NGOs.


In jumping to criticise the 20A, Harsha de Silva  takes an aggressive path instead of making suggestions to change the Amendment . Why stand against it when the 20A is only a proposal and you expected to make suggestions to change it ?  The Opposition will stand against it , de Silva says, but  that is the wrong way of looking at it . Why stand against it ? Is it because you take the role of the  opposition,  as a role  to  stand against  proposals by the Government ? Harsha de Silva,   in democracy there should be constructive criticism, discussion and compromise ? That is how it should be with the 20th Amendment. 


But Harsha de Silva says that he is  against the 20th Amendment.  If one starts having already decided where one  stands on the  20th Amendment,  then democracy cannot function as it should. One should instead start with an open mind looking at the issue  objectively. That should be the quality of a good politician. 


“ The theoretical relationship between compromise and democratic regimes (is) that ... of arriving through discussion at political agreement with one's opponent …”


The Government had explained that the 20th Amendment removes the 19th Amendment, to make the constitution what it was before the 19th Amendment was introduced.  Therefore the Auditor General will function with all legal paraphernalia as he did before the introduction of the 19th Amendment. In that there is no weakening of the Auditor General's functions.


Harsha de Silva is creating mental images of what would happen and jumping to conclusions. If he gives more thought to facts,  and figures out  issues intelligently he will see that nothing has changed after removal of 19A except that the constitution has gone back to what it had been before.  There is no rule that says a member of the opposition should be the heads of COPE and COPA. 


Harsha de Silva is merely criticising for the sake of criticism.  He as an experienced politician and with a Doctorate in addition should know that the opposition has to allow the Parliamentary Democracy to Function. The President and the Government have been elected for five years and they should be allowed to continue to rule the country for the scheduled period of time. The opposition is not to put barriers against the government, with the intention of toppling it. 


But an intelligent leader of the Opposition would  contribute for  a healthy political dialogue , discussion and compromise to come to political agreement. 


Harsha de Silva accuses the government is deploying 20A under a smokescreen to fool the people.  The people understand , but it is the opposition that seems to have not understood.


Harsha de Silva and Yahapalanaya  had tried in different ways from the day the President was sworn in,  to stop the President from taking up his duties to carry forward his proposals for the development of the country. Even today the role of the opposition has taken a different path from democracy,  to hinder the President from continuing to rule the country.


Now the latest gimmick to embarrass the government on 20A is demanding who is the author of the Amendment. as  it is on that, the validity of the Amendment depends.  These are normally prepared by the legal draftsman based on the instructions issued after Cabinet approval.  Therefore the cabinet as a whole helped in the preparation of the 20th Amendment.


Sunday, 6 September 2020

19 A has no reason to remain in the Constitution of Sri Lanka, 20A is a welcome alternative. But 13 A remains yet to be removed.

When the people had sanctioned the removal of UNP  from  Parliament , there was no reason to keep 19A any more in the Constitution. It was introduced by Maithreepala Sirisena- Ranil Wickramasinghe duo on the19th April,2015, by Ranil Wickramasinghe to remove the executive powers of the President and make the Presidency a Ceremonial office, and as  he knew that he would never be the President of Sri Lanka, to have the executive powers of the President  conferred on himself as the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. Maithrpala Sirisena was duped to accept it.


19A mutilated the Constitution and made democracy meaningless. 19 A was a tool in the hands of Ranil Wckramasinha to make a mockery of Parliamentary Democracy.  JVP  participated in it with Ranil Wickramasinghe hoping to reap benefits from it to remove the influence of Rajapaksas in the parliamentary politics in the country, and become the second main political party In Sri Lanka.  With 19A in the Constitution Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe became powerful and acted as a pseudo Dictator controlling every aspect of Governance, the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary,  making the Speaker of the House his  Cabin Boy. 


He had the Parliament for himself for  four and a half years . He had his  buddies around him to do his biddings. Arjun Mahendran as the Governor of Central Bank, Ranjan Ramanayake to control the Judiciary, Rishad Budyudin and  Rauf Hakim to keep his Muslim  vote bank safe. He had the Temple Trees for himself  where he was working with  Foreign enemies of Sri Lanka  to prepare trade agreements ,  and agreements with China to sell the National treasures. When he was sacked by the  President he would not leave and was sure he could get a judgment in his favour and he had it  one of the Supreme court Judges Sarath de Arbrew asserting  that the Parliament cannot be dissolved before four and a half years ? That was the 19A in the hands of  the Prime Minister  Ranil Wickramasinghe. 


Sajith Premadasa was also hoping that 19A  would remain, so that  he may some day use parts of  the 19 A for his own benefit.  JVP  had established a special committee to accuse Mahinda Rajapaksa, his family and his supporters for theft, Bribery and corruption.  The JVP Parliamentarian for Anuradhapura Wasantha Samarasinhe  we saw carrying loads of files to the office of the Commissioner of Bribery and Corruption , while Anura Kumara Dissanayaka was  sitting with the Prime Minister at a committee to decide who should be arrested by FCID- Prime Minister’s special police force.


This degenerative 19A  personal political tool of Ranil Wickramsinghe is finally to be removed. What a relief for the people of this country. 


Now  the proposed 20A,may be it has restored all or some of the powers JR Jayawardhana had written into the Constitution in 1978; but President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not  JR Jayawardhana.  President Gotabaya Rajapksa is a man with a head full of good ideas to take Sri Lanka forward, therefore he has to have enough space to work out his plans and lay them down  for execution. What he wants is not an administrative bureaucracy . He wants a team to work with. 


The Sunday Times Political Editor  wrote “soldier-turned-politician Gotabaya Rajapaksa “, yes he was a soldier, a soldier who won a war against terrorism. He  now wants to be a President to win a political and a financial war to bring back security, peace, and prosperity to Sri Lanka.  Therefore 20A would be a tool for him to act confidently to achieve success in his effort.


However the 20 A is only an interim amendment,  before the introduction of a new Constitution to Sri Lanka. Therefore there is no real reason for the opposition political parties to have heart attacks for something that would not last more than perhaps one year.


But there is another matter with regard to the Amendments to the Constitution that should not be overlooked; it is the 13th Amendment. There is no question why it should not GO- removed from the constitution  for the good of all  free thinking people of Sri Lanka. 


In fact it should have been removed from the Constitution of Sri Lanka  in March  1990 wben the last Contingent of Indian Peace Keeping Force left Sri Lanka.


One cannot understand why even the President Mahainda Rajapakse did not say  no to 13A then , instead of talking about a 13 plus on more than one occasion.  13A was a part of  the India Sri Lanka Accord signed  in August ,1987.  There were two parties to the India Sri Lanka Accord in which India agreed to  guarantee and enforce  the cessation of  terrorist  hostilities  provided the Government of Sri Lanka agreed to enter  the 13th Amendment ( which had been prepared by India) to the Sri Lanka Constitution.  Sri Lanka promptly introduced the 13th Amendment to the Constitution by the President JR Jayawardhana  forcing the  parliamentarians to vote in favour of it. 


Therefore the Government had already kept its part of the Accord , but the Government of India failed tot keep its part of the Accord,- to guarantee and enforce the cessation of terrorist hostilities, as the Indian Peace Keeping Force could not stop  the LTTE hostilities.  Hence  legally the India Sri Lanka Accord ceased to exist when the IPKF left Sri Lanka having failed to keep its terms.


Therefore the President Mahinda Rajapaksa could have then said that Sri Lanka is no more bound by the India Sri Lanka Accord signed in August,1987, and the 13A would be removed from the Constitution.  This is the mistake on which Abraham Sumanthiran of TNA  now play and  the Sunday Times reports that :


“Abraham Sumanthiran told the Sunday Times, ““It would be the biggest mistake if the Government abolishes 13A. It is based on a bilateral agreement signed with India. This was signed to provide solutions to issues of the Tamils. We understand sections in the government are campaigning to abolish 13A which provides for the Provincial Council. That would be a grave error the Government will be making. TheProvincial Council system in the North and East was non-functional for a long period, but in the other provinces the PC system was working. In the other provinces, there have been no calls for the abolition of the Provincial Councils. We will totally oppose any move by the Government to scrap 13A and the Provincial Council system.”


The bilateral agreement  signed with India Sumanthiran speaks of, is now not a legal document.  It is  not valid anymore and the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lanka Constitution can now be removed from the Constitution. That cannot be contested neither by TNA, nor by India.


Therefore Mr. President please remove the 13the Amendment from the Sri Lanka Constitution.