Friday, 28 December 2018

ජයදේව උයන්ගොඩ Anidda e Paper යට ලියු ගිය සතියේ නඩු තීන්දු සහ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදය රැකගැනීමේ නොනිමි අරගලය නමැති ලිපියට කෙටි පිළිතුරක්.

මේ අන් ජී ඕ  නඩයේ ජයදෙව මහත්තයලා  ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන හා ප්‍රජාචන්ත්‍ර වාදයේ ඔටුණු පලන්දා සිටින විශේෂන්ඥයන් හැටියටයි පෙනීසිටින්නේ. මේ මහත්තයා  එදා ඔක්තොඹර 26 වනදා පටන්ගෙන ශ්‍රේෂ්ටාධිකරණයේ ඊනියා ප්‍රජාතන්ද්‍රවාදී  නඩුතීන්දුව නිසා   දේශපාලන සිහිවිකලත්වයේ අතරමං වී තිබුණු ලංකාවේ දේශපාලන අර්බුදයේ අවසානය සිදු උනායි සාඩම්බරයෙන් පවසයි. එතුමන්ලාට ඒ එසේ උවත් රටේ ආර්ථික අපහසුතාවයෙන් මිරිකී සිටින මහජනතාවටනම් එදා තිබු දේශපාලනයේ විකුලත්වයක් වත් අධිකරණ තීන්දුවේ ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර වාදී භවක් වත් එදා නොපෙණුනා මෙන්ම, අදත් නොපෙනේ.

ඇත්ත වශයෙන්ම ඒ නඩු තීන්දුවෙන්  සිදුවුයේ මහජනතාව විසින් තොරා පත්කරගත් ජනාධිපතිතුමන් ඔක්තොඹර 26 වනදා ප්‍රජාචන්ද්‍රවාදී දේශපාලන ප්‍රවේශයෙන්, අවුරුදු තුන හමාරකට පසු  ජනතාවට ලබාගන්නට හැකිවූ ආර්ථික නිදහස හා  තදකරගත් පටි ලිහාගෙන නිදහසේ හුස්මගන්ට පුළුවන් අවස්තාව, අවාසනාවකට ජනතාවගේ හිතුම් පැතුම් වලින් ජයදේව මහත්තයාලාමෙන්ම ඈත්වුණු කිසිම ප්‍රජාචන්ද්‍ර වාදී බවක් නොමැති  ජනතාව විසින් පත් නොකරන ලද ආගන්තුක ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයකින් අහෝසි කර නැවතත් දේශපාලන නිදහසින් තොර නැවතත්  පටිතදකරගෙන පහසුවෙන් හුස්මගන්නවත්  නොපුළුවන්  කාලයක් නැවතත් උදා උනබවයි..  

ජයදෙවමහත්තයා  වර්ණනාකරණ අධිකරණයේ එම සාධනීය මැදිහත්වීම උන්ගේම දේශද්‍රෝහී වැඩකටයුතුවලට  සාධනීය නමුත් එයින් මහජන්තාවටනම් සිදුවූයෙ ජනවරමක් සඳහා ඔවුන්ට ලැබුන ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍ර චන්දය දීමේ  අයිතිවාසිකමද නොලැබීම මිස වෙන ලැබුන සාධානීකත් වයක් නම් නැත. 

මේ සතියේ සිට ලංකාවේ දිගහැරෙන දේශපාලන නාටකයේ අලුත් අවධිය ගැන විචාරණයක ආරම්භය විය යුත්තේ, ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ මෙම මැදිහත්වීමේ ඇති බැරෑරුම් අර්ථය විදහා දැක්වීමයි. මගේ තේරුම් ගැනීමට අනුව එහි පහත සඳහන් අර්ථ තිබේ. ඒ ජයදේව මහත්තයාගේ කියවීමයි. නමුත් ජනතාවත්සමග  සිටින මගේ කියවීම ම එසේ නොවෙ.
එතනින් පසු අපේ විශේසඤ ජයදේව මැතිතුමා ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයේ මෙම මැදිහත්වීමේ ඇති බැරෑරුම් අර්ථය විදහා දක්වයි. 

එ අර්තනිරුපනය මහජනයා වූ අපේ පැත්තෙන් දකින්නේ කොහොමදැයි බලමු. 2015 ජනවාරි මාසේ සිදුවූ ආණ්ඩු වෙනසින් සහ 19 වැනි සංශෝධනයෙන් සිදුවුයේ ජනාධිපති මහින්ද රාජපක්ස මහතා විසින් 2005 සිට අපේ රටවෙනුවෙන් තීරණාත්මක තීරනයක්ගෙන ත්‍රස්තවාදය සහමුලුන්ම  උදුරාදම සාමය ආරක්ෂාව හා රටේ ජනතාව අතර එකමුතුවක් ඇතිකර ගෙනගිය රටේ  දියුණුවෙ ඉදිරි ගමනට ගැසූ මහා පොලුපහරක්වැදී මුළු ලංකා දීපයම පොලොවට ඇදවැටීමක්ය.

ජයදේව මහත්තයාලාට වගේ අතලොස්සක් ඇන් ගී ඕ කාරයන්ගේ සාක්කුවල සල්ලි පිරුණත් රටේ ජනතාවගේ සාක්කු හිස්විය. ජයදේව මහත්තයලා හා ස්වාධිනයයි කියාගන්න 
නඩුකාරහාමුදුරුවරුන්ලාට හොඳකාලයක් ප්‍රජාතන්ත්‍රවාදයක් අත්පත් උනත්  මහජනතාවටනම් ඒ සමග ලැබුනේ මහා අපල කාලයකි.    අපලය නිසාම වෙන්න ඇති මේ ස්වාධීනයයි කියාගන්න අධිකරණයත් ලෑබුනේ. ඒකනම්  මහජනතාවගේ පිනට ලැබිච්ච දෙයක් නොවේ. ඒ ස්වාධින කියන අධිකරණයෙන්  දුප්පත් ජනතාව අන්ත දුගී බවට පත්කරන ප්‍රතිපල දැන් ලැබෙමින් පවතින ආකාරයකුයි පෙනෙන්නේ.

අධිකරණයට ලොකු ආවැඩීමක් ජයදේව මහත්තය කරන්නේ. මොකක්ද මේකේ හොර රහස ඇත්තටම අධිකරනය  ස්වාධීන ජනහිතකාමී තීරණයක්ද එදා දුන්නේ ?

බොහෝ දෙනෙක් හිතනවා අපේ වගේ දියුනුචෙමින් පවතින රටවල් විදේශීය ඇඟිලිගැසීම් ව්ලින් මුදවාගෙන විධායකයයි, නීතිසම්පාධකයයි, අධිකරණයයි එක්ව රටේ ජනතාවගේ ඉදිරිගමන සඳහා සාමුහිකව කටයුතුකලයුතුයි කියල.  නැතුව මේ අංශ තුන වෙන වෙන අතට අදින්න ගියොත්  දියුණුවෙමින් පවතින රටවල් විදේශීය බලවේගවලට අසුවී  ඔවුන්ගේ යටතට පත්වෙනවා. මේක ඉතිහාසයෙන් ඉරානයට, චිලි රටට, ගෞතමාලාවට,  පැනමාවටම, කොන්ගොවට සිදුවුණා සැටි  අප අසාතියෙනවා. මේක යු ඇන් පී කාරයින්ටවත් එන් ජී  ඕ කාරයින්ටවත් සාක්කුවලටවැටෙන ඩොලර් නිසා  හෝ දේශපාලන බල ලෝභය නිසා හෝ තේරුම් ගන්න උවමනාවක් නෑ.

මොන්ටෙස්කුයි ගේ දේශපාලන දර්ශණය යුරෝපීය රටවලට හොඳයි නමුත් ලෝකයේ දියුනුවෙන්නට උත්සහ දරන රටවල් තමන්ගේ අනන්‍යතාවය රැකගෙන ඒ අනුව නවතම ක්‍රමයකට ඉදිරියට යන්න උවමනායි. ඒ ගමන යාමට බටහිර රටවල් බලාගෙන ඔවුන්ගේ අනුගාමිකයන් විය යුතු නැ. මේක ධනවාදය කරපින්නගත් එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයටවත් ඔවුන් උසිගන්වන එන් ජී ඕ නඩයටවත් උවමනාවක් නැ.

එකයි ජයදෙවමහත්තයෝ, අවුරුදු තුන හමාරක් මේ අන්තොනොමතික  එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හා බටහිරට ආවඩන  එන ජී ඕ නඩයේ  ග්‍රහණයට වැටී ආර්තික සාමාජික හා මානසික අසහනයට පත්වී යම් සහනයක් බලාපොරුතුවෙන් බලා සිට රටේ ජනතාව ගැන කිසි සැලකීමක් නැතිවයි  ශ්‍රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණයෙන්  මේ  පුදුම ජනතා විරෝධී නඩු තීන්දුවක් දුන්නේ.
ඒ නඩු තීන්දුව ජනතා හිතකාමී නඩු තීන්දුවක්නම් නොවේ  එය ජයදේව මහත්තය කියන ආකාරයේ  පුරවැසියන්ට, ස්වාධීන සහ නිර්භීත අධිකරණයක් තිබෙන්නේය යන විශ්වාසයෙන් යුතුව ජීවත් විය හැකිය , සටන් කළ හැකිය යන හැංගී මක් නම් ඇති නොවීය. ඇති උයේ,    අධිකරණයත් ජනතාවගේ අයිතිවාසි කම් ඕනෑ එපාකම් වලට පිටුපා,  නැවතත්  එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයේ හා බටහිරට ආවඩන  එන ජී ඕ නඩයේ  අවුරුදු තුන හමාරක් වැටී සිටි  ග්‍රහණයටම  නැවතත් ඇදවැටීමක් බවය.

නඩුවේ විසඳිය යුතු ප්රධානතම විවාදාත්මක කරුණ වූයේ, ජනාධිපති සිරිසේන මහතා කළ පාර්ලිමේන්තුව විසිරවීම, ව්යවස්ථානුකූලද නැද්ද යන්නයි. ඒ පිළිබඳව විවිධ තර්ක මතුකලහැකිය. නමුත් නඩුකාර මඩුල්ල මෙන්ම, නීතිතිපති දෙපාරතමේන්තුවේ නීතිඥ මහතුන්ද ඉතා හොඳින් සොයාබලා ඔවුන්ගේ නිගමනයන්ට පැමිණ  ඔවුන්ගේ තීරණ ශ්‍රේස්තාධිකරණයට ඉදිරිපත්කරතිබේ. නමුත් ඒ  නීති උපදෙස් සම්බන්ධව එන් ජී ඕ කාර ජයදෙව මහතත්යා කරන ප්‍රකාශය නින්දා සහගතයි. ඔහු කැමති නඩුකාර මඩුල්ලේ තීරණයට පටහැනි නිසා මේ ජයදේව  මහත්තයා  නීතිපති ගේ නීතිය පැහැදීලි කීරීම පිළිබඳව කියන්නේ  මෙසෙයි .

තර්ක සියල්ලම පාහේ, කෙනෙකුට සිතා ගැනීමටත් බැරි තරමේ වැරදි තර්ක වීමයි. නීතිපතිතුමා පවා මේ තරම් වැරදි තර්ක ඉදිරිපත් කෙළේ, ජනාධිපතිතුමාගේ ක්රියාව ව්යවස්ථාව අමුඅමුවේ උල්ලංඝනය කිරීමක් බව දැන දැනම, තම ස්වාමියාවෙනුවෙන් කරන්නට වෙන විකල්පයක් එතුමාට නොමැති වූ නිසාද යන අදහස කෙනෙකුගේ සිතේ ඇතිවීම වැළැක්විය නොහැකිය.

මේ නින්දා සගත අදහස  එන ජී ඕ කාර ජයදෙව මහතත්යාගේ මෝඩ ඔලුවේ ඇති උනත් සාමාන්‍ය ජනතාවගේ පිරිසිඳු මොළවලට එවැනි හැඟීමක් නොඑයි.  අතිරේක සොලිසිටර් ජෙනේරාල්  දප්පුල ද ලිවේරා  වැනි නීතිඥ මහතුන් ජයදේව  හිතන හැටියේ බලයට හිසනමා නීතිය  කිසිම ස්වාමි යෙකුසතුටු කිරිම සඳහා විකුර්ති කරන්නෙක් නොවන බව ජයදේව දන්නේ නැතිබවයි පෙනෙන්නේ.


එන් ජී ඕ ඩොලර්වලට ආසාවෙන් හෝ රනිල්ගේ ආණ්ඩුවෙන් ලබාගතහැකි යම්තනතුරකට ආසාවෙන්  ජයදේව නොදන්නා නීතියක් ගැන කතාකරමින් 18 වන සංශෝධනය  පාදකකොට ගෙන 19 වන සංශෝධනය අර්ථකතනය කිරීම පිලිබඳ සිරිසේන-රාජපක් උප්පරවැට්ටිය සහ නෛතික ප්රතිවිප්ලවවාදී ප්රයත්නයක් ගැන කතාවක් කියයි.

මෙහි කිසිම ගත යුතු ප්‍රයෝජන අර්ථ තර්ක අපිට නොපෙනේ .   ලංකාවේ ව්‍යවස්ථාව සිංහල කියවිය හැකි කාටත් බලා කියවා තේරුම් ගන්න පුළුවන්. නීතිය ඔය කියන තරම් තේරුම් ගත නොහැකි ප්‍රහේලිකා වක් නොවේ. නීතිඥ වරුන්ට හා නඩුකාරවරුන්ට  තියෙන්නේ තර්ක කරලා එක එක කාරණා බලලා වඩාත් ගැලපෙන තර්කය අනුමත කිරීමයි.

මේ නඩුතීන්දුව ගැන වචනයක් කියල ජයදෙවගේ ආවේගශීලී හරයක් නැති ලිපියට උත්තර දීම නවත්වන්නම්.  මේ නඩු තීන්දුව අපි දකින්නේ ජනතාවගේ  චන්දය දීමේ ප්‍රජාඅයිතිය අහෝසිකළ එන් ජී ඕ කාරයන් බලවත්කරන  විදේශ බලවේග හා  එක්සත් ජාතික පක්ෂයට ඔවුන්ගේ ජනතා විරෝධී දේශපාලන ක්‍රමයට  ප්‍රයෝජනවත්වන පරිදි  දෙන ලද විලම්බීත  නඩු තීන්දුවක් හැටියටයි.  මේ නඩු තීන්දුව නිසා  මෙතෙක් ජනතාවතුල අධිකරණය කෙරෙහි තිබුණු  විශ්වාශය සම්පුර්ණයෙන් නැතිවී ගිය බව ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ නඩුකට්ටලය  සිහිතබාගත යුතුය.

නීතිය අර්ථකථනය කිරීම කාටත් කලහැකිය.  නමුත් ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ නඩුකට්ටලයකින් බලපොරුත්තුවන්නේ  නීතිය අර්තකතනය පොතටත්, උසාවිය්ටත්, තෝරාගත් පන්තියකටවත්  නොව, මහජනතාව හිතේ තබාගෙන ඔවුන්ගේ යහපත සඳහා නීතිය අර්ථ කථනය කල යුතුය.

මේ නඩුතීන්දුවෙන් පසු  ඇප රටේ  දේශපාලන අර්බුදයවත්, රටේ පවතින දේශපාලන අර්බුදයවත් අවසන්වී නැත. මෙයට හේතුව  දේශපාලන අර්බුදය නැවැත්විය හැකි නඩු තීන්දුවක් ලබා දීමට ශ්රේෂ්ඨාධිකරණ නඩුකට්ටලය අසමත් වූ නිසාය.   ජයදෙවම, ජෙහාන් පෙරේරම, අමිල දඹර හාමුදුරුවෝ  ආදී නොයෙක් විධියෙ එන් ජී ඕ කාරයන්ට නම් මේ නඩුතීන්දුව ඉමහත් සතුටට හේතුවී තිබෙන බවක් නම් පෙනේ, ඔවුන්ට දුගී දුප්පත් ජනතාවගේ දුක් කඳුළු නොපෙනේ.

ජයදේව මහත්තයාලාට ලැබෙන අසීමිත විදේශීය උදව් උපකාර නිසා දිග ලිපි සම්පාදනයකරන්න අපහසුවක් නැත. අපට ඒ සහන නොමැති නිසා දිගට ලියන්නට බොහෝදෙ තිබෙන නමූත්  කාර්යය වෙහෙසදායක බැවින් කෙටියෙන් අවසන් කිරීමට සිදුවෙයි.

Thursday, 20 December 2018

Judicial Dictatorship


There is a serious political and a social problem in Sri Lanka that hampers the democratic process , which lies in the question of democratic legitimacy of  judicial reviews affecting the governance of the people. The US Constitution makes a point  in stating that, “ it is the people that should decide  how they are governed and the Constitutional norms that their society holds. The Judiciary having this power is illegitimate…….”.

In an interesting  research article- a thesis on Judicial Dictatorship: Potential Institutionalisation of the Constitutional Review Process  by Stephen Cranney  of the Faculty of Law, Victoria University of Wellington  states  “We the People.” One of the most emotion evoking and potentially over used statements has found its way to the center of many democracy-based arguments in constitutional analysis. But if the ‘people’ are center to democracy and the social contract that democracy constructs, then how is it that their voice has become irrelevant?”


This  is very relevant to the surprising judgment of two courts in Sri Lanka, an Appeal Court and the Supreme Court  delivered  in interpreting the relevant sections of the Constitution of Sri Lanka with regard to the decision taken by the President of Sri Lanka in a political imbroglio , to  dissolve the Parliament and go to the people for an election. 

The decisions of both the Appeal Court and the SC on the issues could be interpreted as judicial errors,  and the interim order issued by the Appeal Court to  stop the Prime Minister and his Cabinet of Ministers functioning until the Appeal Court takes a decision,  an enormous Judicial error, perhaps a first in the world.

As it was stated at the beginning there is a serious political and a social problem in Sri Lanka with the people divided into  ordinary people largely Sinhala Buddhists ,and another English Educated mainly Colombian  high society. The latter group has a following  of  the people depending on the rich and powerful and drawing their strength from them. Those were the people who were  seen recently  filling the Galle Face Green  for a gathering called for by the high society politicians .

Mahinda Rajapakse and now  Maithripala Sirisena belong to the ordinary Sinhala Buddhist population, and trusted, accepted, and loved by them.

The high Society consisting more of the Judiciary, Company Directors , Doctors Engineers, Christians, Evangelists,and the English educated Colombians tend to shun Mahinda Rajapakse  and now  Maithripalan Sirisena. They  have confidence  on the political class led by Ranil Wickramasinghe , the UNP and their allied political parties  belonging  to the high society, and their dependents. So are the  JVP  calling itself a Marist Party is perhaps trying to reach the high and powerful, while Sumanthiran of the TNA wants a federal constitution and the Eelam, and the rest of the Tamil and Muslim MPs are more keen following the rich and well to do in their sense as that helps their business sense.

Therefore there is the  question where lies and who promotes the  democratic legitimacy of the people. Mahinda Rajapakse and his Ministers when they were sworn in on 26 Ocober,2018 was not seeking to take vengeance from his political enemies but keen in making the people benefit from their forming a government to give the people as much relief as possible.

But it is the contrary  when Ranil Wickramasinghe  brings his Kiriellas, Ajith Pereras Champikas, Rajithas , Sarath Fosekas, Harin , and their partners in the JVP, to take over the government. It is for them  to take vengeance and take their political enemies  to courts and prisons , making their lives miserable, rather than find means to give relief to the people as Mahinda Rajapakse did during the short time he was Prime Minister.

In the light of this high society UNP and the political partners who seems to care less for  the people other than to get them to participate in manifestations and fill the grounds where they gather to shout their hatred of Mahinda Rajapakse and President Sirisena. But some how in this political jamboree the Judiciary also seem to play their part along with Ranil and the high society politicians.

 Sri Lanka’s Judicial Independence is strange to tell the least. It is certainly independent of the Executive, but not completely independent of the  Legislature  with an evident support for   the right wing  legislators.  It is certainly independent of the people without seemingly unconcerned about their suffering due to political mismanagement of the country by the right wing politicians of the Legislature, that was seen by the Appeal Court making an interim order suspending the functions of the social wing Prime Minister and his Cabinet thus denying the little relief the people were to receive.

The President of Sri Lanka and the Parliamentarians are elected by the people and the people have confidence  in them. However, they are able to show their preference  between  the high society  politicians led by Ranil Wickramasinghe and his political partners,   and the Socialist politicians  led by Mahinda Rajapakse and his parties supported by the President only at an election , but the SC denied them that democratic right ruling that the President cannot dissolve the Parliament for four and a half years.

The two wings of the judiciary  the Appeal Court and the SC seem in my opinion  keen in putting the  Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and President Sirisena, in their place making them understand that the Judiciary is above both of them, and they- the Judiciary have become a deciding factor and it is there with them  that the power lies.   Strangely the Judiciary can exercise this super power of theirs  when a Constitutional review is demanded from them.

A Constitutional Review is defined as “ the inquiry and decision of whether a piece of legislation is consistent with a constitutional norms”.

There are critical studies made on using the Judiciary with no political or democratic legitimacy as  the ultimate resort  to make Constitutional reviews. The article referred to above on Judicial Dictatorship, argues as follows:

“This power given to the courts, of the judicial review of legislation, involves a group of people who seemingly enjoy no political legitimacy and certainly no democratic legitimacy to impose their preferences on citizens generally. The judiciary’s decisions work to thwart policies of the democratic branches of government. The individuals who strike down the legislation are both unelected and unaccountable. What they are effectively doing is invalidating democratically adopted laws.The question must be asked of how this role can be justified in a system that is based on the view that policy and value choices are for the elected and politically responsible institutions.”

This paper argues that the underutilized organ of the executive can be employed to legitimise and solve many of the issues surrounding the constitutional review power that currently lies with the courts.
The paper proposes three review mechanisms. Firstly, an executive override of judicial decisions, where the executive branch can return a piece of legislation that has been struck down to legal effectiveness. Secondly, a veto of constitutionally consequential legislation, where the executive can render a piece of legislation legally ineffective, coupled with an inability for a legislative override. Lastly, an executive mandate for judicial intervention, where the executive informs the judiciary which pieces of legislation can potentially be struck down. The paper expands of these descriptions, discussing potential problems that these methods face before finally defending one decision-making process. By this, the paper aims to satisfactorily create a stable and democratically legitimate constitutional review procedure.
However, it appears correct that  using the Judiciary for  a Constitutional review is un-acceptable in terms of democratic legitimacy of a Judicial decision on a matter concerning the Constitution, as the Judiciary consists of men who are not elected by the people and unaccountable for their decision.
A  future Government should reconsider the question of Judicial independence, specially of its role in  Constitutional reviews in the interest of the people and the country. This is very important  specially  in the case of Sri Lanka a Sinhala Buddhist Country with a culture as old as its history.  It would not therefore be wrong to include in the Constitution that the Chief Justice should be a Sinhala Buddhist.
That would avoid the danger of electing some one like the retired Judge Wignesvaran as Chief Justice of Sri Lanka.  It is not being extra nationalist, but when we see the role that is being played by the TNA MP Sumanthiran and Sampanthan with regard to writing  a new Constitution and JVP wanting to have the President of the Country elected  by the Parliament, the Sinhalese- the majority should remember that they have a responsibility to perpetuate both the  Sinhala Buddhist Culture and  its Buddhist  religious background for the future generation of Sinhala Buddhists,  as Sri Lanka is the only Country they have, which they can call their own. 
We welcome Tamils and Muslims to be part of it without forgetting what Sri Lanka is and what it has given to all minority Communities that lived with the Sinhala  for thousands of years.

Friday, 14 December 2018

Do our Judges follow the great wisdom of Kakille Rajjuruvo or Maha Danamutta to solve political problem ?



 A Gamarala  and his family were locked up in their home surrounded by Alibaba and 40 thieves coming from the  cavern under temple trees and making impossible demands.  The Gamarala  sent a message to  Maha Danamutta asking for  a solution and  liberate him and his family. Maha Danamutta and his goloyo said they want time to receive visitors and count what they receive before they  find a solution to liberate the Gamarala and his family. In the mean time  Alibaba and his 40 thieves were making Gamaralas life miserable.

Maha Danamutta  took his own time looked into the books as even the judges  always read most of the old judicial decision of  Kakille Rajjuruvo and more those of Maha Danamutta. Maha Danamutta  considered the case of the Goat’s head stuck in a pot and how wise was his solution. But that entails cutting the heads of Gamarala and all his family.

Then  Maha Danamutta thought that he would  go on his elephant to meet the Gamarala and discuss the matter, but then he may have to get Gamarala to break the wall in front to allow him and his elephant to go inside, but thought otherwise as he  thought that it may cause damage to him and his Goloys, and thought of other solutions. 

Maha Danamutta  discussed long with his Goloyo Polbamoona, Kotukithaiah, Indikatu Pancha, Rabboda Aiya and Puvak Badilla they had all their ideas which Maha Danamutta took into consideration. Polbamoona spoke up suggesting  a long lockup of Gamarala and his family  for  four and half years, which by then would tire Alibaba and 40 thieves and stop bothering  Gamarala and his family any more. Maha Danamutta was pleased and clapped his hand in approval of his practical suggestion, and said so be it.

Like wise the SC  after long and deep  consideration came to the conclusion that the dissolution of Parliament by the President by  Gazette Notification was un-Constitutional and that the President could dissolve the parliament if he wants only after four and half years . That was a dumb solution as in any case the Parliament ceases its term of office  in four and a half years.

What a great judicial ruling which  even Mahadanamutta would have been put to shame ?

In Europe there are long Tunnels one such long tunnel is the Tunnel of Frejus which connects France and Italy. It is 12895 meters long. These tunnels have  at regular intervals on either side small doors marked Sortie or Exit. If there is a train catching fire in the middle of the tunnel (as it once happened) the tunnel will be gutted with fire and smoke  and these small exit doors  are used to evacuate the passengers from the trains out of danger from fire and smoke..

Like wise in the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka despite its short comings or if any ambitious fool were to introduce an Amendment such as 19A, and find the country in a political impasse, the Constitution has provided means to overcome the difficulty( like the Exit Doors inside tunnels).

Hence when Article 70 of the Constitution prohibits the President from dissolution of the Parliament for any reason before four and a half years even if the President is confronted with a serious  political impasse, the 1978  Constitution fortunately provides Article 33 which permits the President to dissolve the Parliament before the period specified under Article 70.

This provision had been overlooked by our great judicial minds of the SC in their verdict pronounced  with “pomp and glory” on the 13 December,2018 coming  close to Maha Danamutta’s solution.

The Judges are not there merely to interpret the Constitution, but also examine the reasons behind  legal issue in question  such as why the President used one Article of the Constitution,  without referring to the other which restricts his actions.  There is some thing called cause  and effect which the Judges should examine. The Judges are not mere technical robots, but human beings with a mind to be used when necessary to understand the whole of a political problem which is in  question and  now under their judicial examination.

In applying their commonsense, apart from legal arguments,  they should have examined the cause that led the President to resort to article 33 to dissolve the parliament by Gazette Notification despite the prohibition at article 70, which he would have certainly read and understood,  if not him personally  at least by those who advised him on the issue. 

That was the cause , now  the reason was, after working with Ranil Wickramasinghe as Prime Minister   on whom he had placed all his confidence , he realised that the Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe is not the man he had accepted him to be. When the UPFA Ministers left the Yahapalanaya Government  the Cabinet was automatically dissolved under the relevant Article 42 of  Constitution. Then the President had to appoint another Prime Minister and he did so under Article 46.

That was the back ground which the five Judges of the SC had not examined. That is a serious lapse on their part.

There is another case being examined by the Supreme Courts with regard to the appointment of the new   Prime Minister and a cabinet of Ministers . There too the Judges should not  rest after interpreting the relevant Articles of the Constitution, because the law is not for the President and the Parliamentarians, but  the law is primarily for the people.

Therefore the Judges should also examine the cause that led to the appointment of a new Prime Minister and his Cabinet. And also observe what had been  the need of the hour.

Was it to leave the people stranded without a government functioning and their daily needs unfulfilled and country being pushed into anarchic with a disposed Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe  not seeing reason acting  undemocratically and without moral decency ?

Monday, 10 December 2018

Why do they all want Ranil Wickramasinghe back, fear of discovery of secret dealings, corrupt activities or revelation of Bond Scam Beneficiaries ?




Since Maithreepala Sirisena was elected to the high post of the President of Sri Lanka some of us did  not speak well of the President. It was because he sold his mother political party to join a group of vindictive traitors led by the most unloved political leader of the UNP- Ranil Wickramasinghe, to be their common Presidential candidate to become a  rival candidate against  President Mahinda Rajapakse,  after  erasing the memory of  27 years or more of loyal , trusted political bond he had cultivated in a political party in which he  matured for 47 years since he was a young boy of 17 years.

Maithripala Sirisena after he was elected President of Sri Lanka became fondly attached to Ranil Wickramasinghe first through his natural Sinhala Buddhist character of gratitude for having given him the chance to be the President of Sri Lanka, where as Mahinda Rajapakse to whom he was devoted as the President of the SLFP and companion in politics did not so much as made him the Prime Minister despite all the qualifications he had. 

President Maithripala Sirisena was so happy to accept Ranil Wickramasinghe as his friend.  He made him his Prime Minister immediately after  taking oath as the President of Sri Lanka. All the UNP supporters were immensely pleased and accepted the President as  one of theirs and praised his goodness. Rajitha Senarathne, Mangala Samaraweera , Ravi Karunananayake , Chandrka Kumarathunga, JVP, the TNA and the rest were singing hosannas in praise of him.

Sirisena provided  a chance for the UNP to come back to have political power again which they would have never got  through an election. Those who knew that it was an unholy alliance was most critical of Maithripala Sirisena, but others thought it was a chance for Sri Lanka to get away from a family rule to experience real democracy in action.

Beside being a criminal of ill-famed Batalanda torture camps Ranil Wickramasinghe was thought of by his supporters as a  corruption free clean political wizard with a mindful of  economic projects to make Sri Lanka the paradise of  Asia.  Some thought that with Ranil back in politics investments will  pour in from the Western countries which  had been in the fore front for the regime change to take UNP back into  politics after 20 years of political isolation.

There were a combination of political errors by President Mahinda Rajapakse and a perfect political strategy, perhaps put in place by the Western and Indian secret services, which helped fishing out Maithripala Sirisena from the President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s own camp to make him the Presidential candidate of the opposition. They did not do that because of any love or for any special qualities they thought Maithripala Sirisena possessed to be the President , but they believed that an ordinary farmer’s son would be naïve, and could be made to dance to their tune if he is elected President. (Reminds one of the French  film Le Dinner de Cons).

President Maithripala Sirisena thrilled from the unexpected turn of events which made him  the President of Sri Lanka ,  placed his entire  confidence on Ranil Wickramasinghe and the UNP, Rajitha Senaratne, Chandrika Kumaratunga and the rest,  without being aware of the secret political plot they were hatching behind his back, to make him their cat’s paw to arrive at their objective of eventually make Ranil W as the Prime Minister take over the powers of an executive President. 

Maithripala Sirisena’s  critics blamed him for his endless foreign trips enjoying the benefits of power that had been thrust  on him , allowing Ranil and his UNP Ministers to do what they want while he is away,  enjoying the apparent friendly hospitality he received in various Western and other  countries  he visited  invited by them and received by them  with great honour  acclaiming him as a  saviour of democracy  who has assured the human rights of the minorities in Sri Lanka.

Maithripala Sirisena was in the meantime made the President of the SLFP which he abandoned in November, 2015 to embrace his enemies providing them with political power which  had escaped  them for a considerable period of time. Though the former President very generously relinquished his Presidency of the SLFP to the new President of Sri Lanka , it was not enough and far too  late for Mahinda Rajapakse to make it a gesture  to set right his past error of not having accepted to make the General Secretary of the  SLFP his Prime Minister.

President Maithripala Sirisena was not ready to forgive his former  chief and political companion for denying him the rightful place in the Government after his loyal service to the Party and the government  for a considerable number of years. Therefore, President Sirisena would  not allow Mahinda  Rajapakse to replace  Ranil Wickramasinghe as the Prime Minister  in the future, and did all he can to thwart the ambition of a defeated President to come back to power as the Prime Minister by winning the General election of August,2015.

President Sirisena wrote to Mahinda Rajapakse that even if he were to win the elections by a majority at the general elections, he will not be made the Prime Minister as there were  qualified seniors in the SLFP suitable to take that place.

President Sirisena out to take revenge from Mahinda Rajapakse, became a close friend and confidant of  his Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe. Ranil Wickramasinghe was in the meantime slowly and gradually grabbing the powers of the executive president and making himself powerful to openly defy the orders of President Sirisena, collecting around him  money launderers, homosexuals, dentists of doubtful honesty, knaves who will do any thing to please him, sexually depraved Buddhist party leaders, un-socialist Marxists and even made a citizen of Singapore a friend of LTTE financier Raja Rajaratnam Arjun Mahendran his old pal from Royal College the Governor of the Central Bank.

Finally when President appointed another Governor to the Central Bank, Ranil Wickramasinghe still employed the ex-Governor of the Central Bank Arjun Mahendrn  as advisor to the Prime Minister.  Ranil Stole the Central Bank with the Bond Scam  assisted by  its Governor Arjun Mahendran and a year after the first, he staged another  Bond Scam of which not much is heard.

These daylight robberies of the Central Bank made Ranil  and the UNP  immensely rich, rich  enough to make Temple Trees his private abode, and challenge the President to turn him out if he dares.   Ranil has the baking of the Western Embassies, India and apparently the Sri Lanka Judiciary as well.

Ranil- the Prime Minister simply ignored  President Sirisena whose powers Ranil had reduced through the introduction of 19A to the Constitution, and started acting on his own without consulting the President. He signed a Contract of 1000 pages with Singapore and no one still knows what it contains. He then agreed with the Prime Minister of India Modi to sell the East Container terminal to India together with the Trincomalee Oil Tanks. Ranil sent his partner in Bank theft Arjun Mahendran to Singapore. He is being searched by the Sri Lanka CID in  Singapore where he apparently  remains “invisible” to investigators and even to the Interpol.

Finally after three and a half years when a plot to assassinate the President and the former Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapakse came to light, and DIG Nalaka Silva was proved by voice recordings revealed to the press as the man behind the assassination plot, and that the IGP was covering up DIG Nalaka Silva, President Maithripala realised that he had been duped through out the past three and a half years by Ranil Wickramasinghe  and his gang of plotters. He realised that Ranil as his Prime Minister had been and is a greater danger, than Mahinda Rajapakse ever was.


With that realisation,  at the first opportunity he had to appoint another Prime Minister, when the UPFA section of the Yahapalanaya Government withdrew from the Yahapalanaya Cabinet of Ministers dissolving the coalition partnership of the Yahapalanaya, he called upon Mahinda Rajapakse who President Sirisena had earlier  thought was a rival to fear, but yet  knew having worked with him that he is a reliable  patriotic Sinhala Buddhist politician , to be his Prime Minister and  form a government together even at this late stage.

That broke loose the hell under Ranil Wickramasinghe and his den of political plotters and thieves, who refused to give into the President and vowed  to replace the Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse and his Ministers sworn in by the President , by Ranil Wickramasinghe and his thieves and plotters of the UNP,  TNA,JVP and JHU.

But Ranil Wickramasinghe along with all his  former Ministers- all of doubtful honesty  including the Speaker of he House, TNA, JVP, and  his other supporters are up in  arms against the new Government of the President  headed by the Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse  and his cabinet of Ministers. Ranil Wickcramsinghe has become the hero of every one of them,  and they all want him back as the Prime Minister.  Sajith Premadasa refused to lead the UNP vowing his loyalty to Ranil .

This along with strange judgments given first by the Supreme Court and then by the Appeal Court,  numerous unconstitutional decision and No Confidence motions  passed in an illegally constituted Parliamentary sessions have challenged the Constitutional decisions taken by the President. The Courts have in extra ordinary judicial decisions ordered the Constitutionally sworn in Prime Minister and his Ministers to stop carrying out their official functions until a final decision is taken by the Courts in a future unmentioned date.

Why do the UNP, JVP, TNA and the rest of the allied parties insist that they want Ranil Wickramasinghe back as the Prime Minister ? What is the catch, do they fear the consequences of another Government  taking their place discovering   their corrupt activities, and lay before the people evidence of their betrayal of the country by theft, complots, and hidden agreements with minority political parties such as TNA and JVP, with individuals ,  and with other countries, or do they fear the revelation  of the names of those who benefitted from the Bond Scams  ?

They have to win over the Judiciary to hide their three and a half years of utter corrupt activities which have no equal.  This reason  for the  desire to have Ranil Wickramasinghe and no other as the Prime Minister has no meaning unless there is some thing they have to hide at all cost which have  not been  revealed before. Is the Judiciary a party to this complots ? After all the case before them is not so complicated as the Courts seem to make it out, for them to take  such a long period of time take a decision. Every thing seem to be cut an dry even some one with a brain the size of a “pea nut” will not take such a long time to understand and take a wise decision.

As a  political figure Ranil Wickramasinghe has proved more than once that he has nothing that he himself can be proud of, nor has he done any thing that the country could be proud of him.

Rajitha Senarathna swears he will not remain silent until Ranil Wickramasinghe is brought back as the  Prime Ministers, and made to sit  in Parliament, in the seat meant for the Prime Minister.  

But why this craze for Ranil ickramasinghe ?

Ranil Wickramasinghe is a  criminal of the ill famed  Batalanda torture camps,  where the Commission report  points its finger at Ranil Wickramasinghe’s role in the torture camp as questionable. Ranil Wickramasinghe  is a political coward beyond question as he willingly consented to sign a CFA prepared by Solheim and Prabhakaran without informing either the President, nor the Parliament, rather than carry out a military operation against terrorism, he even discouraged President Mahinda Rajapakse’s successful military operations against terrorism.

Ranil Wickramasinghe was a traitor who ordered  the police to raid an army safe house  in Millenium City resulting in the assassination of  army secret agents,  Ranil Wickramasinghe was a thief who organised the Central Bank Bond Scam having planted his agent as the Governor of the Central Bank. Ranil Wickramasinghe is a sly underhand dealer who secretly negotiated and signed a trade Agreement with Singapore without having informed the President or the Parliament.

Ranil Wickramasinghe is not a democrat  but a cowered who would swim against the current when he is accused for wrong doings and failure of his government to keep promises made to the people. Ranil Wickramasinghe is a dictator in his own party not allowing any capable leader to arise to lead the Party despite its failure to keep intact the party’s past reputation.  He manipulates even the Parliament presenting a legislation, and changing it completely at the Committee Stage.

Ranil Wickramasinghe is such a slave of the west, he got  his Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera at the Geneva Council Session to accept to sponsor  along with  America its  Resolution against Sri Lanka Armed Forces for war crimes and violation of Human Rights.

Ranil Wickramasinghe is responsible for  agreeing with TNA and the West  to write a New Constitution to Sri Lanka removing the hitherto held special place for the protection of Buddhism, and allowing  to change the Name of Sri Lanka into Orimitta Nadu under  a  Federal System of Governance.

Is this the man that UNP, TNA, JVP and the rest of the Tamil and Muslim Parties want to lead the Country as their Prime Minister ?

The people do not want Ranil Wickramasinghe any more playing any political role inside the Parliament or outside of it. He is not an honourable man who would  resign in the face of wide criticism.

Is he and his supporters prepared to face the people and know what the people think of them ? 

Then resign and face an Election. The Judiciary is independent but it  too should allow sovereignty of the voice of the people be  heard ?